US & British Military Sponsors Looting Of Museums Storing Ancient (Alien?) Text From Mesopotamia, Sumeria, etc, During 2003 Invasion of Iraq

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US And British Military Sponsors Looting Of Museums Storing Ancient (Alien?) Text From Mesopotamia, Sumeria, Akkadia, Babylonia, Assyria, Chaldea, etc, During 2003 Invasion of Iraq

There Are Claims That Some Items May Have Been "Stolen To Order".
Stories began to circulate that US troops had deliberately not secured the museum so as to allow the theft of material “to order” for rich and politically influential collectors in the United States, and that they might even have participated in the plunder.
Forty of the best quality display pieces that had not been moved out of the museum into safe storage were stolen, clearly by someone who recognised their significance (US Marine Colonel Matthew Bogdanos 2005b, 213). Several of those pieces seem to have been gathered together in advance of the theft and left in the museum’s restoration room, as if to facilitate their removal (Bogdanos 2005b, pp. 214–15). Because these high value pieces are recognizable they would not be easy to sell on the open market, which Bogdanos thought might imply there were already buyers in place before the theft (Bogdanos 2005b, 215).


"Every single item that was lost is a great loss for humanity," says Donny George Youkhanna, the former director general of Iraqi museums, now a visiting professor at the State University of New York at Stony Brook. "It is the only museum in the world where you can trace the earliest development of human culture—technology, agriculture, art, language and writing—in just one place."
There was also a theft from a basement storeroom that seems to have been pre-planned. There are four storerooms in the museum basement, but thieves headed straight for the room containing the museum’s collection of coins, cylinder seals and jewelry. In other words, the thieves knew in advance where to find the museum’s store of items that are small, valuable and portable. They were also equipped with keys to open the storage lockers, though luckily in the darkness and confusion they dropped the keys and the lockers remained secure. Nevertheless, the thieves did make off with 10,686 items that had been stored in boxes, including 5,144 cylinder seals. Bogdanos thought that this material was most likely directed to a middleman buyer who would be able to arrange its transport out of Iraq for subsequent dispersal on the international market (Bogdanos 2005b, 216).
Treasurer, William Pearlstein, has criticized Iraq’s policy as “retentionist” and said he would urge the post-war government to make it easier to export artifacts to the United States. The group sought to revise the Cultural Property Implementation Act, the US law that regulates such international trafficking in artistic treasures and antiques. According to this press account, news of the group’s meeting with the government has alarmed scientists and archaeologists who fear the ACCP is working to a hidden agenda that will see the US authorities ease restrictions on the movement of Iraqi artifacts after a coalition victory in Iraq.
The Los Angeles Times reported Tuesday a Northern California collector of Iraqi art had been “contacted surreptitiously before the war and told that Iraqi antiquities would soon become available. He speculated that the thieves acted in accordance with a plan!
Looters took or destroyed everything in the galleries, then broke into the underground vaults and plundered their contents. They also destroyed the card catalog and wrecked the museum’s computer system.
At least 80 percent of the 170,000 separate items stored at the National Museum of Antiquities in Baghdad were stolen during the looting rampage that followed the US military occupation of Baghdad. The museum was the greatest single storehouse of materials from the civilizations of ancient Mesopotamia, including Sumeria, Akkadia, Babylonia, Assyria and Chaldea. It also held artifacts from Persia, Ancient Greece, the Roman Empire and various Arab dynasties.



The museum held the tablets with Hammurabi’s Code, perhaps the world’s first system of laws, and cuneiform texts that are the oldest known examples of writing—epic poems, mathematical treatises, historical accounts. An entire library of clay tablets had not yet been deciphered or researched, in part because of the US-backed sanctions that restricted travel to Iraq.
Their inaction constitutes a gross violation of the 1954 Hague Convention on the protection of artistic treasures in wartime, adopted in response to the Nazi looting of occupied Europe during World War II.
The Sacking Of Iraq’s Museums: US And Great Britain Wages War Against Culture And History
The looting of Iraq’s museums and National Library, with the destruction of much of Iraq’s cultural heritage, is a historic crime for which the Bush administration is responsible.

US government officials were warned repeatedly about possible damage to irreplaceable artifacts, either from American bombs and missiles or from post-war instability after the removal of the Iraqi government, but they did nothing to prevent it.

The 5,000-year-old alabaster Uruk Vase is the earliest known depiction of a religious ritual. The stone face of a woman, carved 5,500 years ago, is one of the oldest surviving examples of representational sculpture. The world’s oldest copper casting, the bust of an Akkadian king, dates from 2300 BC.

Another significant loss came from the burning of the nearby National Library, containing tens of thousands of old manuscripts and books, and newspapers from the Ottoman Empire to the present. The library’s reading rooms and stacks were reduced to smoking ruins.

Ironically, the only hope for the survival of some archaeological treasures is that they might have been removed from the museum before the war, to be displayed in one or another of the private residences of Saddam Hussein and his family. A large selection of artifacts made of gold was stored for safekeeping at the Iraqi Central Bank, but that facility was looted and burned as well.

US officials ignored warnings

US claims to have been taken by surprise by the ransacking of cultural facilities in Baghdad, Mosul and other cities are not credible. Such a tragedy was not only predictable, it was specifically warned against. In late January of this year, a delegation of scholars, museum directors and collectors visited the Pentagon and explained the significance of the Iraq National Museum and other cultural sites. One participant told the Washington Post, “We told them the looting was the biggest danger, and I felt that they understood that the National Museum was the most important archaeological site in the entire country. It has everything from every other site.”

The Archaeological Institute of America called on “all governments” to protect cultural sites, and it appears that the Iraqi government took this appeal far more seriously than the American or British governments. After looting in 1991 during the uprisings that followed the first Persian Gulf War, the Iraqi government passed legislation restricting the export of historical artifacts.

There is a long tradition of concern for history and cultural heritage in Iraq. As soon as even nominal independence was established, in the 1920s, the Iraqi government required that reports be filed with the museum on all archaeological “digs.” More recently, all excavated material had to be submitted to the museum for cataloguing, making the facility the central database for all such work in the country.

As an American assault on Baghdad loomed, officials of the National Museum made preparations to safeguard their priceless collections, removing some items to secret locations and putting the bulk of the artifacts in specially secured vaults under the building, protected from bomb damage by layers of brick and cement. Those items too large to be removed from the galleries were carefully wrapped.

The Pentagon not only knew in advance of the potential threat to Iraq’s cultural heritage, the US military received direct appeals as the looting began to safeguard the National Museum. One Iraqi archaeologist, Ra’id Abdul Ridhar Mohammed, told the New York Times he had gone directly to a squad of marines aboard an Abrams tank in Museum Square, less than a quarter mile from the museum, and asked them to stop the looting.

The marines went to the museum, chased away the first wave of looters, then left after 30 minutes. “I asked them to bring their tank inside the museum grounds,” Mohammed told the Times, “But they refused and left.” He continued: “About half an hour later, the looters were back, and they threatened to kill me, or to tell the Americans that I am a spy for Saddam Hussein’s intelligence, so that the Americans would kill me. So I was frightened, and I went home.”

The archaeologist added, “A country’s identity, its value and civilization resides in its history. If a country’s civilization is looted, as ours has been here, its history ends. Please tell this to President Bush. Please remind him that he promised to liberate the Iraqi people, but that this is not a liberation, this is a humiliation.”


The Politics of Cultural Destruction



There are direct commercial reasons for the Bush administration to permit the plundering of Iraq’s cultural treasures. According to a report April 6 in the Sunday Herald, a Scottish newspaper, among those who met with the Pentagon before the onset of the war were representatives of the American Council for Cultural Policy (ACCP), a lobbying group for wealthy collectors and art dealers that has sought to relax Iraq’s strict ban on the export of cultural artifacts.

Appeasing a group of millionaires with a taste for Oriental curiosities would certainly fit the profile of the Bush administration. Much more fundamental, however, is the political value for the American ruling elite of allowing such repositories of Iraq’s history and culture to be destroyed.

The goal of the US military occupation is to impose colonial-style domination over Iraq and seize control of its vast oil resources. It serves the interests of American imperialism to humiliate Iraq and condition its population to submit to the United States and the stooge regime to be established in Baghdad. Attacking the cultural resources that connect the Iraqi people to 7,000 years of history is part of the process of systematically destroying their national identity.

The tragic result is that treasures that survived even the Mongol sack of the city in the 13th century could not withstand the impact of 21st century technology and imperialist barbarism. Bush, Rumsfeld and company personify the new barbarians: a “leader” who is himself only semi-literate and wallows in religious backwardness; an administration populated by former corporate CEOs for whom an artifact of ancient Sumer is of more interest as a tax shelter than as a key to the historical and cultural development of mankind.

US Army Was Told To Protect Looted Museum

The United States army ignored warnings from its own civilian advisers that could have stopped the looting of priceless artifacts in Baghdad, according to leaked documents seen by The Observer.

Iraq's national museum is identified as a 'prime target for looters' and should be the second top priority for securing by coalition troops after the national bank, says a memo sent last month by the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance (ORHA), set up to supervise the reconstruction of postwar Iraq.

Looting of the museum could mean 'irreparable loss of cultural treasures of enormous importance to all humanity', the document concluded. But the US army still failed to post soldiers outside the museum, and it was ransacked, with more than 270,000 artefacts taken.

General Jay Garner, the head of ORHA, is said to be 'livid'. 'We asked for just a few soldiers at each building or, if they feared snipers, then just one or two tanks,' said one ORHA official. 'The tanks were doing nothing once they got inside the city, yet the generals refused to deploy them, and look what happened.'

More than two weeks after the March memo was sent, ORHA was told it had not even been read. The official admitted, however, that ORHA had not identified hospitals - which were also ransacked - as a potential target, as they had not imagined that the Iraqis would resort to 'killing their own people'.

The warnings were echoed yesterday by American archaeologists, who have tried for three months to persuade the Bush administration of the risk to antiquities.

Its sacking was 'completely predictable', says the president of the Archaeological Institute of America, Jane Walbaum. A week before the looting, one of the institute's members, Patty Gerstenblith of De Paul University, wrote to Major Christopher Varhola, a US army civil affairs officer in Kuwait, asking for troops to be stationed at the museum.

'I am stressing this hard to the ground commander, but unfortunately I do not have good news for you,' Major Varhola replied.

The Observer has seen documents submitted to senior US generals by ORHA on 26 March, listing 16 institutions that 'merit securing as soon as possible to prevent further damage, destruction and or pilferage of records and assets'. First was the national bank, next came the museum. The Oil Ministry, which has been carefully guarded, came sixteenth on a list of 16.

The memo said 'looters should be arrested/detained', yet US troops continued to pass by looters carting off their booty, and no tanks appeared in front of these buildings for days.

'It's a tragedy and a disaster for our image and for rebuilding Iraq,' said one ORHA official.

Around 20 artefacts stolen from the museum have been returned, but thousands remain missing. The US has sent a team of FBI agents to investigate claims that some items may have been stolen to order.

Martin Sullivan, the chair of President Bush's Advisory Committee on Cultural Property, has already resigned over the issue, saying it was 'inexcusable' that the museum should not have had the same priority as the Iraqi Oil Ministry.

The US military argues that its primary job in the first few days was to quell armed resistance in Baghdad, and that it could not tackle looters until it had finished fighting a war.

How And Why US Encouraged Looting In Iraq

The widespread looting in Baghdad, Basra, Mosul, Kirkuk and other Iraqi cities, following the collapse of the Ba'athist regime of President Saddam Hussein, was not merely an incidental byproduct of the US military conquest of Iraq. It was deliberately encouraged and fostered by the Bush administration and the Pentagon for definite political and economic reasons.

Thousands took part in the looting in Baghdad which began April 9, the day the Hussein government ceased to function in the capital city. Not only were government ministries targeted, and the homes of the Ba'athist elite, but public institutions vital to Iraqi society, including hospitals, schools and food distribution centers. Equipment and parts were stripped from power plants, thus delaying the restoration of electricity to the city of 5 million people.

Perhaps the most devastating loss for the Iraqi people is the ransacking of the National Museum, the greatest trove of archeological and historical artifacts in the Middle East. The 28 galleries of the huge museum were picked clean by looters who made off with more than 50,000 irreplaceable artifacts, relics of past civilizations dating back 5,000 years. The museum's entire card catalog was destroyed, making it impossible even to identify what has been lost.

The US military stood by and permitted the ransacking of the museum, an incalculable blow to Iraqi and world culture, just as they allowed and even encouraged the looting of hospitals, universities, libraries and government social service buildings. The occupation forces protected only the Ministry of Oil, with its detailed inventory of Iraqi oil reserves, as well as the Ministry of Interior, the headquarters of the ousted regime's secret police.

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) issued a statement in Geneva declaring that the relief agency was "profoundly alarmed by the chaos currently prevailing in Baghdad and other parts of Iraq." The medical system in Baghdad "has virtually collapsed," the ICRC warned, and it reminded the US and Britain that they were obliged under international law to guarantee the basic security of the Iraqi population.

General Tommy Franks, the overall commander of all US and British forces in Iraq, issued an order to unit commanders that specifically prohibited the use of force to prevent looting. This instruction was only modified after several days because of mounting protests by Iraqi citizens over the destruction of their social infrastructure.

The New York Times reported one such protest by an Iraqi man who was standing guard at Al Kindi hospital in Baghdad. Haider Daoud "said he was angry at his encounters with American soldiers in the neighborhood, mentioning one marine who he said he had begged to guard the hospital two days ago. 'He told me the same words: He can't protect the hospital,' Mr. Daoud said. 'A big army like the USA army can't protect the hospital?'"

The role of the US military went beyond simply standing by, and extended to actually encouraging and facilitating looting. According to a report in the Washington Post, after the US military reopened two bridges across the Tigris River to civilian traffic, "the immediate result was that looters raced across and extended their plundering to the Planning Ministry and other buildings that had been spared."

Sweden's largest newspaper, Dagens Nyheter, published an interview April 11 with a Swedish researcher of Middle Eastern ancestry who had gone to Iraq to serve as a human shield. Khaled Bayoumi told the newspaper, "I happened to be right there just as the American troops encouraged people to begin the plundering."

He described how US soldiers shot security guards at a local government building on Haifa Avenue on the west bank of the Tigris, and then "blasted apart the doors to the building." Next, according to Bayoumi, "from the tanks came eager calls in Arabic encouraging people to come close to them."

At first, he said, residents were hesitant to come out of their homes because anyone who had tried to cross the street in the morning had been shot. "Arab interpreters in the tanks told the people to go and take what they wanted in the building," Bayoumi continued. "The word spread quickly and the building was ransacked. I was standing only 300 yards from there when the guards were murdered. Afterwards the tank crushed the entrance to the Justice Department, which was in a neighboring building, and the plundering continued there.

"I stood in a large crowd and watched this together with them. They did not partake in the plundering but dared not to interfere. Many had tears of shame in their eyes. The next morning the plundering spread to the Modern Museum, which lies a quarter mile farther north. There were also two crowds there, one that plundered and one that watched with disgust."

Kirkuk and Mosul

Similar scenes were reported in Kirkuk and Mosul, the two large northern cities with ethnically mixed populations. There the looting of public buildings has direct political overtones, since the destruction of property deeds and other government records will make it easier to conduct ethnic cleansing of Arab or Turkmen populations by the Kurdish forces that now dominate the region, in alliance with US Special Forces.

In Kirkuk, the site of Iraq's richest oilfield, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan has already installed its officials in the homes of former Ba'ath Party leaders. US soldiers of the 173rd Airborne Brigade seized control of an Iraqi air base but permitted looters to leave the base with their stolen goods, even opening the gates to allow them to pass.

There was no effort to halt arson at the city's cotton plant, or at office buildings, but US troops quickly occupied facilities of the North Oil Company, the state-owned firm that manages the huge northern oilfields. Colonel William Mayville, commander of the brigade, dispatched troops to three key oil facilities, while US Special Forces stood watch over four gas-oil separation plants. Mayville told the American media that he wanted to send the message, "Hey, don't screw with the oil."

In Mosul, northern Iraq's largest city, hospitals, universities, laboratories, hotels, clinics and factories were all sacked and stripped of their goods. The 700 US troops sent to Mosul remained outside the city for more than a day while the theft and vandalism continued, leading to widespread complaints from city residents-reported even in the American press-that the US was permitting the pillaging.

Save The Oil-And Nothing Else

Robert Fisk, writing in the British newspaper the Independent April 14, noted a pattern in the response of American forces to looting in Baghdad, which, he said, "shows clearly what the US intends to protect." He continued: "After days of arson and pillage, here's a short but revealing scorecard. US troops have sat back and allowed mobs to wreck and then burn the Ministry of Planning, the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Irrigation, the Ministry of Trade, the Ministry of Industry, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of Information. They did nothing to prevent looters from destroying priceless treasures of Iraq's history in the Baghdad Archaeological Museum and in the museum in the northern city of Mosul, or from looting three hospitals.

"The Americans have, though, put hundreds of troops inside two Iraqi ministries that remain untouched-and untouchable-because tanks and armoured personnel carriers and Humvees have been placed inside and outside both institutions. And which ministries proved to be so important for the Americans? Why, the Ministry of Interior, of course-with its vast wealth of intelligence information on Iraq-and the Ministry of Oil. The archives and files of Iraq's most valuable asset-its oilfields and, even more important, its massive reserves-are safe and sound, sealed off from the mobs and looters, and safe to be shared, as Washington almost certainly intends, with American oil companies."

Such concerns were already apparent in the actions of the US military at the very beginning of the war. The same General Franks who instructed US troops to take no action against looting in Baghdad or other cities gave the order March 20 for the First Marine Expeditional Force to invade Iraq a day early, because of reports, later proven largely false, that Iraqi troops were setting fire to the country's southern oilfields at Rumaila.

The Centcom chief discarded previous operational plans and potentially put many soldiers' lives at risk by acting before the air bombardment had begun in order to safeguard the real objective of the US war, Iraq's huge oil reserves.

The Politics of Plunder

The most striking aspect of the outbreak of looting was the nonchalant attitude of US government officials in Washington. At a Pentagon press conference Friday, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld denounced the media for exaggerating the extent of chaos, and argued that the looting was a natural and perhaps even healthy expression of pent-up hostility to the old regime. "It's untidy," Rumsfeld said. "And freedom's untidy. And free people are free to make mistakes and commit crimes."

There is no doubt the Bush administration would take a less charitable view of the "freedom" to loot if mobs were breaking into corporate offices in downtown Houston, Washington or New York City.

As in every action of the Bush administration, personal greed and profit-gouging are an important aspect. The ransacking of Iraqi government facilities, added to the devastation caused by American bombing, is part of the process of demolishing the large state-run sector of Iraq's economy, to the benefit of American companies. Already contracts have been awarded to private American firms to provide new school books, replace looted medical equipment, even train a new Iraqi police force.

In the Orwellian language of New York Times columnist William Safire, the US aim is to "introduce free enterprise and the rule of law"-by means of a criminal invasion, followed by widespread looting. This will set the stage for a much bigger theft: the privatization of Iraq's vast oil resources and their exploitation, directly or indirectly, by US and British oil companies.

There is more at stake, however, than rank hypocrisy or an appetite for Iraq's oil wealth. The looting in Iraq directly serves the political interests of American imperialism in cementing its domination of the conquered country.

The Bush administration is seeking to encourage the emergence of a new ruling elite in Iraq, formed from the most rapacious, reactionary and selfish elements, which will serve as a semi-criminal comprador force entirely subservient to the United States. The acquisition of property through the theft of Iraqi state assets serves to bind these elements to the US occupation forces by their own economic self-interest. As one Army officer told the Times, as he watched the looting approvingly, "This is the new income redistribution program."

There is recent precedent for such an operation. The first Bush administration proceeded in the same fashion when it encouraged the formation of a new capitalist elite in Russia out of layers of the Soviet-era mafia and former Stalinist bureaucrats who acquired state assets by wholesale theft. What US imperialism promoted in the 1990s in eastern Europe and the former USSR under the label "shock therapy", it is now applying in the aftermath of its "shock and awe" devastation of Iraq.

After two tours in Iraq and service in the Horn of Africa and at the Pentagon, Bogdanos returned home to New York City in 2005, in time for the publication of his book, Thieves of Baghdad. (All royalties are being donated to the Iraq Museum.) He continues to investigate the Iraqi thefts as chief of a newly created antiquities task force in the New York County district attorney's office. "Until every last piece stolen from the Iraqi Museum has been recovered and returned to the Iraqi people," he says, "I will continue to be haunted by what is still missing."

Monty Henry, Owner

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